This paper explores the Dutch seduction community in an effort to understand how its members’ inter-subjective frameworks relate to wider issue of sexual violence. Part of the men’s rights movement, the seduction community is a transnational, self-help community aiming at empowering men who are “deficient” at social skills and particularly at successfully “picking up” women. The embodiment of masculinity is central to this rule-based, essentialist framing of sexuality and attraction in which men aim at instrumentally influencing sexual interactions in a quest to regain control and felt lost power over intimate relations. Sexual success becomes a token of manhood that not only helps “socially awkward heterosexual men” climb up the social ladder of masculinities but also one that promises soothing of anxieties and mastering of emotions. Based on twelve qualitative interviews of the Dutch seduction community’s members, this paper examines how its members frame their involvement with pickup in light of the anti-sexual harassment activism represented by MeToo. The paper argues that the community resorts to an intertwining of two complementary discursive frameworks: hegemonic masculinity versus victim power, emphasizing what scholars have called hybrid masculinity.

Keywords: pick-up art, masculinities, men’s rights movement, sexual violence, MeToo

As of 2022, there has been little research done on the Romanian examples of participatory budgeting. This paper aims to provide an overview of the evolution of participatory budgeting in Romania, focusing on a descriptive analysis of how this particular form of participatory politics has been implemented in the country. To this end, we look at the 11 Romanian cities where participatory budgeting programs have been put in place, how these programs are financed compared to local budgets, and what instruments of interfacing with and involving the wider public were used in each case. This analysis is done using data collected from each city’s participatory budgeting platform. 

Keywords: deliberation, participatory budgeting, active citizenship, political participation, public administration, civic engagement, democratization

The article deals with the description of the problem of identification of Ukrainian Orthodoxy in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The authors proceed from the special role of religion in international relations and modern hybrid conflicts in general as well as the peculiarities of the Russian-Ukrainian war as Orthodox countries in particular. The concept of the “national passport of Orthodox churches” of Ukraine has been formulated as a methodological mechanism for quality control and protection of the own identity: to what extent “Ukrainian” in the name of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church reflects belonging to the people of Ukraine. The analysis is based exclusively on church documents: certificates of independence, statutes, resolutions, appeals, etc. An important aspect of the research is the interpretation of the normative part of the documents in terms of their projection and functionality. The authors come to the conclusion that Ukrainian Orthodoxy represented by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church have different orientations in their identity and reflect, respectively, constructive and destructive models of functionality in the life of Ukrainian society and become a factor of protection/aggravation in the hybrid war. The material was developed within the framework of the project “Social functionality of religion under the conditions of large-scale dangers: ideological-theoretical and practical dimensions” under the state registration number: 0121U109446.  

Keywords: religion, hybridity, constructiveness, destructiveness, war, Orthodoxy, UOC (Ukrainian Orthodox Church), OCU (Orthodox Church of Ukraine), “National passport of Orthodox churches”

Hungarian-Romanian relations are difficult to assess because they involve a vast set of actors: from diplomats to civil society, from political parties to churches. If convergence in foreign policy is to be achieved and if genuine reconciliation is to take place, all these actors have to be taken into consideration and have to engage in a concerted manner.  Bilateral relations between Hungary and Romania benefit from a dense network of cooperation initiatives, but they are neither sustainable, nor integrated into a vision aiming for convergence and reconciliation. Political will, joint historical research projects and youth bi-ethnic socialization are critical in creating a bilateral relation supported by true reconciliation.

Keywords: ethnic relations, reconciliation, Hungarian-Romanian relations, Franco-German relations, bilateral relations, UDMR/RMDSZ, national identity

This article aims to present a comprehensive analysis of study-related migration of Moldovan ethnics from the Transnistrian region, also known as a post-Soviet unrecognized entity. The Transnistrian region is a narrow strip of land located between Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, which is affected by massive migration flows. The young people of the Transnistrian region are inclined to migrate permanently to neighbouring countries and Western EU member states. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of migration from the disputed land is an under-researched topic. Therefore, this study aims to determine the particularities of this phenomenon, the main root causes and the perception of students concerning studies abroad, life in a disputed territory, and the impact of the unresolved status issue. The research is based on a two-pronged approach in order to determine the complexity and the magnitude of study-related migration. It presents the results of 20 semi-structured interviews conducted with students who graduated from Moldovan-administered Latin-script schools and it analyses the data provided by Transnistrian and Moldovan institutions. A special attention is given to graduates of Romanian language schools because their decision to migrate is influenced by a more diverse combination of push and pull factors. 

Keywords: students, migration, the Transnistrian region, Romanian language schools, education